The Demise of the AHCA

Alan Zendell, March 25, 2017

I never say, “I told you so”, and I won’t now, but as my posts have been saying for the last couple of weeks, no other outcome was possible. There was no way Trump could keep his promise of wonderful, affordable health care for everyone and satisfy the right wing of his party, and the “moderate” Republicans couldn’t vote for a Draconian measure like the AHCA and run for re-election in nineteen months. I never believed Obamacare was going away, and having seen the alternatives, the majority of Americans are glad it isn’t.

Was Trump’s promise to repeal and replace Obamacare ever anything more than a campaign slogan to garner votes? His party committed itself to that goal the day Obamacare passed. The possibility that Trump never cared about repeal shouldn’t surprise anyone. For him words are tools to be used in whatever manner suits his purpose, and more often than not, his purpose is misdirection and confusion. He loves the role of the unpredictable gadfly.

I don’t think he cares one way or another about health insurance. His family and friends are all covered, and his business career was that of a man who cared only about himself. Nothing about his entire past life suggests compassion for anyone outside his circle.

Whatever else you may think about him, Donald Trump is pretty smart. If the internet is to be believed his IQ is in excess of 150. It’s not possible that he didn’t understand the truths I laid out in previous posts here (Zero Sum Games, The Truth about Health Care.) If that’s true, why did he support the AHCA knowing it would die?

He never had a health care plan of his own, and until a couple of weeks ago, he had no understanding of how complex health care is. Faced with the reality that he was in over his head, he had no choice but to follow Paul Ryan’s lead. And why not? One of Trump’s basic principles is making sure he always has someone to blame when things go wrong. Don’t believe a word of the speech he made yesterday, thanking the Republican Party for all its hard work and blaming the Democrats. The blue collar workers in the rust belt won’t buy it. And if they turn on him he’ll lose his majority in the House next year.

I think Trump loves that his house majority crashed and burned in full view of the world. He thinks of himself as the only person who knows how to get things done, the White Knight for every voter who believes life has cut him a raw deal. But in Trump’s own words, if you don’t deliver the goods, people eventually catch on. When it becomes clear that the Republican tax plan won’t treat the Reagan Democrat crowd any better than the AHCA would have, he’s going to be dealing with some very angry voters who feel betrayed. And if he continues to be unable to rally his own party to agree on legislation, we may see the spectacle of him abandoning the right wing and having to reach out to Democrats.

That might actually work if he’s serious about an infrastructure bill. The right wing of his party will fight it to the death, but they may be outnumbered by Democrats who want it to pass. Who knows, this could all be part of a grand strategy in which Trump manages to undermine his own party to bring his brilliant deal-making talent into play and save the day. Wouldn’t he look like a hero, then?

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Where Have I Heard This Before?

Alan Zendell, March 20, 2017

Echoes of déjà vu and familiarity have been bouncing around in my head for almost two years now. Today, I happened across a brochure from the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, titled ODD, or Oppositional Defiant Disorder.

(https://www.aacap.org/App_Themes/AACAP/docs/resource_centers/odd/odd_resource_center_odd_guide.pdf)

The brochure states that the most common behaviors associated with ODD are defiance, spitefulness, negativity, hostility, and verbal aggression. I knew I’d seen those things before, along with lack of respect for others, insensitivity to people’s feelings, and a less than casual relationship with the truth. It’s not that my memory was failing; it’s been thirty years since I had adolescents living under my roof.

From the moment Donald Trump announced his candidacy for president, twenty-one months ago, the image that most often popped into my mind after watching one of his rants was that of a petulant five-year-old throwing a tantrum, superimposed on memories of older children who always found someone else to blame for whatever went wrong in their lives.

Do you remember how your teenagers reacted to being caught doing something they knew they shouldn’t? There may have been a dozen eye-witnesses, all reporting exactly the same story and irrefutable physical evidence all pointing in the same direction. Were you shocked to hear, “I didn’t do it” and “They’re all lying”? And honestly, in the face of all that evidence to the contrary when you looked into those earnest, unrepentant eyes pleading for understanding, weren’t you, too looking for every excuse to believe them?

And even when you had no choice but to accept the obvious conclusion, didn’t you fervently believe clichés like “bad actions aren’t the same as bad kids” and “they’ve learned their lessons” and most seductive of all, “have patience, wait and see, they’ll grow out of this phase”. Fortunately, that was most often true when we were dealing with fifteen- and sixteen-year-olds. But as more and more people are coming to realize, seventy-year-old men don’t change. They are who they are.

Imagine a sixteen-year-old boy hauled before a Board of Education review board, sitting in plain sight of everyone texting offensive comments to his friends. Now imagine a sitting president watching his FBI and NSA Directors testify before Congress. He hears them refute every charge he has made against his political enemies, and during their testimony he tweets more delusional nonsense which the news media run on crawl lines at the bottom of the screen showing the hearings. Which image looks worse?

It’s interesting that Trump’s latest tweet storm, while the testimony was in progress, occurred after Gallup announced that his approval rating after almost sixty days in office was only 37%, with 58% disapproving. The fact that only 5% of the people polled couldn’t make up their minds is as damning as the approval numbers. To put that in perspective, no President in the history of approval ratings has ever seen his numbers drop below 50% after sixty days until now. And that was before the hearings. I’ll go out on a limb and wonder what his rating will be tomorrow and the next day.

I started this blog with the intention of being objective. I continually hear people say, “Give him a year and see what he can do.” But they were the same people who said political campaigns are vicious and horrible, and once he’s in office you’ll see a change in his behavior. The reason he hasn’t been given the benefit of a honeymoon period is that his behavior has been so awful. Outside of his core base, the rest of America is becoming more horrified every day. Just like in the campaign, policy and the real issues America faces have been drowning in Trump’s cult of personality. We can’t wait for him to grow up.

We really can’t afford to wait even a year. By the way, Happy Spring.

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A Letter to People Who Voted For Trump

Alan Zendell, March 19, 2017

Agnes Gyorgyey Summers came to the United States as a young girl from Hungary during the anti-Soviet uprising of 1956. She has spent most of her life as an American working to assure that people in need were cared for by some of the agencies whose budgets would suffer deep cuts in the proposed Trump budget. Yesterday, she posted this open letter to Trump voters. https://www.facebook.com/agnes.g.summers/posts/10211165728413362.

Remember when Donald Trump said he wasn’t going to take a salary? He just accepted his second paycheck.

Remember when he said Mexico was going to pay for the wall? He has asked Congress to appropriate the $25 billion of taxpayer money to cover costs.

Remember when he said he wasn’t going to go on vacation or play golf like Obama? 5 of the last 7 weekends he went on vacation and played golf, costing taxpayers $11.1 million each time.

Remember when he said he was going to use American steel to build these dangerous pipelines? Russian steel arrived last week for the Keystone Pipeline XL.

Remember when he said he wasn’t going to cut social security and Medicare? The Republican bill does just that.

Remember when he said that nobody on his campaign had any communications with the Russian government? Seven (7) of his people have now admitted they spoke and/or met with Russian officials…but only after they lied and got caught.

Remember when he said he was going to divest from his businesses? Changed his mind.

Remember when he said he was going to release his tax returns? Changed his mind.

Remember when he said he was going to drain the swamp of Washington insiders? His cabinet is filled with lobbyists, billionaires, as well as Big Oil and Wall Street executives, many from Goldman-Sachs. Yes, THAT Goldman-Sachs.

Remember when he said would defeat ISIS in 30 days? He doesn’t even have a plan.

Remember when he said that the Obamacare replacement would cover more people at lower cost? The GOP and 45 admit that the AHCA they are pushing will cover fewer people at a higher cost, but only after being called out by the CBO and the OMB.

If you voted for him, please hold him accountable to what he promised you – for all of our sakes.

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Zero Sum Games

Alan Zendell, March 16, 2017

Game theory defines a zero-sum game as any situation in which all gains and losses must balance each other exactly. When all the inputs and outflows are added up there can be no net gain or loss. The concept of insurance is based on that principle.

If we apply it to Congress’ attempt to re-write national health care policy, it’s obvious that there is no way they can craft a bill that delivers what President Trump promised. I know I’ve said this before, but to get a clear picture of what’s happening, you essentially need to ignore everything you read and hear, and just think. If more people are covered it’s going to cost more. If fewer people are covered it will cost less.

Republicans in Congress are being torn in opposite directions by those who believe Trumpcare is too generous and those who think it’s not generous enough, and that’s based on a starting point, according to the CBO, of ultimately covering 24,000,000 fewer people than Obamacare. Even if the warring forces cancel each other out, we’re still left with a health care system that has glaring holes in it.

Like a lot of people who’ve spent the last few months shaking their heads, I looked to Paul Ryan to steady the ship. But yesterday, he defended the new bill in terms of not forcing people to buy what they don’t want. The idea was that it’s a good thing that Trumpcare doesn’t cover as many people, because some of them don’t want to buy coverage at present costs, anyway. Am I the only one who sees the absurdity of that argument? Several years ago, when gasoline prices were exploding, some oil industry advocates said, “So what if gas goes to six or seven dollars a gallon? People who can’t afford it simply won’t buy it and the problem will solve itself.” No, it won’t.

A key provision of Trumpcare is turning Medicaid over to the states, something conservatives have been arguing for decades. In effect, what they’re trying to do is set the clock back sixty years. Following World War II, with the Great Depression finally over, states had complete discretion in determining who could request government assistance in health care, housing, and putting food on the family table. Some states, notably the northeast, the rust belt, and the west coast took a progressive approach, while the rest did everything possible to reduce public assistance. When the Supreme Court ruled that states could not impose prior residency requirements on people asking for assistance, there was a mass migration of people in poverty to the more generous states. Welfare and medical assistance rolls skyrocketed in most large American cities, while the more affluent taxpayers fled to the suburbs.

To stem those tides, the social legislation of the sixties required that all states adhere to minimum standards of care. No longer could some states turn a blind eye to people in legitimate need and ship them off to someone else’s rapidly growing urban slum. If Congress throws in the towel and returns public assistance to the states with no federal oversight, we’ll be back where we were in the fifties. When I hear people ask why their taxes should pay for other people’s health care, my first reaction is that they’re selfish. Worse than that, they’re shortsighted about their own future.

Treating health care as a zero sum game must, in the end, result in what I described above. The problem is that it’s not a zero sum game – it’s worse. This administration wants to significantly increase the military while cutting taxes for the wealthiest Americans. That will drain even more resources from the programs nearly half our population depends on. They’re already stripping the EPA and the Department of Education bare, but those agencies’ budgets were never large to begin with. The real money the right wing salivates over is in Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. And while we’re fighting to save those programs there are other things we can’t lose sight of.

Where will women turn when Planned Parenthood has been decimated? How are we going to make it possible for average kids to get an education beyond high school without going into debt for the next twenty years? And what about our veterans? Remember all those promises during the campaign? Have you heard a word about caring for them?

We’ve lived through this cycle before. Are we going to let it happen again to satisfy the greed of the far right?

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Seventh Grade Civics

Alan Zendell, March 14, 2017

I am frequently amazed at how little the average American understands about the way our government works. Admittedly, thirty-seven years as a federal employee gave me a leg up, but what was everyone else doing in seventh grade civics? Here’s what they missed when they were sneaking cigarettes in the rest rooms instead of paying attention.

Our government, as provided by the Constitution, is divided into three branches. The Congress, which consists of the Senate and the House of Representatives, makes our federal laws, the most important of which specify how much money the government can spend each year. The Judiciary is charged with determining whether those laws are constitutional when someone challenges them. And the Executive Branch assures the laws Congress passes are carried out. That’s it, except for incidentals like declaring war. Only Congress can do that, legally, but the President can make the issue moot by ordering military actions without Congress’ approval.

The President can lobby for things he wants done and make budget proposals, but the only power he has in that regard derives from political pressure and skillful use of his bully pulpit. When Donald or Hillary or Bernie said, “When I’m president I’m going to…”, they usually meant, “I’m going to try to convince Congress to do it”. Presidents can’t cut taxes, grant universal health care, declare that colleges will no longer charge tuition, or hire contractors to fix bridges and highways.

Every president in recent memory promised to cut spending as soon as he took office. One actually did, though he was foiled by the Law of Unintended Consequences, which takes precedence regardless of which party is in power. In 1981, President Reagan ordered a 15% cut in administrative costs across all executive departments, something he could do legally, because all the department heads reported directly to him. Everyone applauded him for keeping his promise, except the people who had to carry out the order.

It was reality check time. In those days, my corner of the world was Medicare administrative costs, but the same issues applied across government. The problem was that over 90% of administrative costs were locked in. Most of them were allocated to fund the contractors that ran the program day-to-day, with the remainder going to pay for the federal employees charged with overseeing them.

The only way to reduce latter was to institute a hiring freeze. Wholesale firing or laying off of government employees is a nonstarter, as President Trump is about find out, and infrastructure costs (buildings, government vehicles, general overhead) were already committed. We did the only thing we could do – pass the cuts on to the contractors, but they had the same problem. If they reduced staff, they wouldn’t be able to process medical claims, and personnel and building costs made up almost all of their budgets. The cuts had to come from “discretionary” spending, which was almost entirely devoted to audit activities. In the end, most estimates found that firing the auditors cost Medicare about $40 for every administrative dollar saved, because no one was keeping the foxes out of the hen house. Nice try, Ronnie. Better luck next time.

My seventh grade civics class didn’t mention the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) because it didn’t exist until 1975. It was created to be a nonpartisan group of economists, policy experts, and researchers that would be an objective referee in all matters of legislative budgets. Interestingly, the current director of the CBO was appointed by a Republican congress, key among which was current Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price, then the chairman of the House Budget Committee. That same Tom Price is now accusing the CBO of complete incompetence in scoring the administration’s new health care legislation, the American Health Care Act (AHCA).

Trump’s people act as if they were blindsided by the CBO’s findings although everyone involved in the creation of the AHCA knew in advance that it would deprive tens of millions of Americans of health insurance. Was their plan all along to discredit the CBO the same way they have demonized the media (and everyone else who disagreed with them)?

This is a classic case of very large square pegs not fitting in very small round holes. It doesn’t work. There’s no way to provide affordable health care for everyone without a huge increase in cost. The CBO estimated that the AHCA would reduce costs by $338 billion. It’s impossible to cut expenses that much and keep the President’s promise. No amount of smoke and mirrors will change that.

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The Truth About Health Care

Alan Zendell, March 8, 2017

Most of what you read in the media about health care in the United States is exaggerated, spun for political reasons, or outright lies. Health care is a very complex issue until you strip away the special interests and politics. Then it becomes extremely simple.

Although our Constitution explicitly charges the government with promoting the general welfare of the population, in recent years, the word entitlement has become associated with greed and laziness. Our Bill of Rights guarantees every citizen the freedom of speech and worship, the right to bear arms, and host of other entitlements that we take for granted. The Declaration of Independence asserts that every American is entitled to “Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness”, yet none of our foundational documents makes explicit mention of health care.

Does that mean our founding fathers didn’t believe basic health care was a right of every American? No. It means that in the mid-eighteenth century there was no health care as we know it, and Jefferson and Adams can be forgiven for not being prescient about how medical science would evolve.

When the question of health care as an entitlement is posed today, the most common response is, “Who’s going to pay for it?” That is the real heart of the matter. Had the Bill of Rights elevated health care to the level of firearms, we wouldn’t even be having this conversation in 2017. Our economic development would have included the need to pay for health care at every turn. Instead, our country now has a huge divide which may be impossible to bridge. That divide is what gave birth to the Tea Party. Ignore the rhetoric. What the Tea Party is about is preventing the enormous transfer of wealth that would be required to fill the gaps left by the founders.

When Bernie Sanders asserted that every American had the right to decent health care, he made the mistake of labeling himself a Socialist. The society he proposed looks very much like most of the social democracies of Europe. Is Germany a socialist country? Is Holland or Denmark?

When our politicians are asked why America is the only industrialized democracy without a national health care system, the answer most often given is that the cost would too high here. But that answer is incorrect. Health care costs in the Netherlands and Australia are as high as ours, yet both countries have federally funded health care. The right answer is that our priorities are wrong.

Representative Jason Chaffetz (R, Utah) essentially said the same thing, yesterday, only he got it backwards. Chaffetz said individuals needed to decide whether to spend their incomes on iPhones or health care. You could by a new iPhone every two weeks, and still not spend as much in one year as the average unsubsidized health insurance plan costs in the United States.

Chaffetz should have addressed the top of the food chain. It’s a simple matter of taxes versus expenditures, and the bottom ninety percent of the population is already taxed to the limit. There’s no question that America can afford to provide quality health care for everyone if it has the will to do it. Most of Europe funds national health care through a value added tax (VAT) of about twenty percent, paid on every consumer item except basic necessities. No complicated income tax structures with entitlements for groups powerful enough to get them legislated, just the kind of simple tax structure most so-called conservatives claim to prefer.

If you believe our country has a moral responsibility to assure the health of every American, you have to be realistic. Most of the wealthiest people in America will fight to the death to avoid the kind of transfer of wealth that would make that possible. And they will win, unless people fight back at the ballot box. The only chance to have a level playing field in health care in this country is if the voters replace those people in Congress who don’t want one with people who do.

If every congressional district that went for Sanders in 2016 votes that way in the 2018 mid-term elections, we’ll have a fighting chance. The choice isn’t between iPhones and health insurance. It’s between how many yachts and private planes and country clubs are worth the health of the people who build and service them. Americans don’t need tax credits. They need a guarantee that the cost of dealing with illness or injury will not devastate their families.

It really is just that simple.

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Early Warning Signs

Alan Zendell, March 6, 2017

Most of us have been conditioned since childhood to recognize warning signs and heed them before the trouble they portend hits us in the face. Most Americans are optimistic by nature. It’s one of our great strengths unless it morphs into denial about impending problems.

There’s a nearly irresistible temptation to assume that the brake fluid puddled under your car must have come from someone else’s vehicle or that the baggie filled with a suspicious substance you found in your teenager’s pocket must have been planted there by someone else. How many red flags does it take to wake us up?  I’ve even been shocked, lately, by the number of people who ignore tornado warnings.

TornadoWarning

I’m old enough to remember Watergate, when President Nixon’s denials of wrongdoing and his increasingly aberrant behavior over many months resulted in a crisis of confidence even among his most ardent supporters. By the time they realized the situation couldn’t be salvaged, it was too late. We had a dysfunctional president whose Chief of Staff, retired General Alexander Haig, had to build a firewall around him. In the end, Richard Nixon resigned in disgrace to avoid impeachment.

My friends and family are sharply divided. Some are convinced there are already sufficient warning signs that President Trump will severely damage the country; others repeatedly say, “Give him a chance”. I confess that I am in both camps, the first because after a lifetime of exposure to Donald Trump’s antics, I see no reason to believe he has what it takes to succeed as President. But I also think we have to give him a chance – either to show he can succeed or to hang himself. Like the parent who knows his kid is lying when he confronts him with the illegal drugs he found, part of me wants to wait and see while another part is screaming that I have to do something before it’s too late. Seven-and-a-half weeks into this administration, the second voice is beginning to overwhelm the first.

A president swept into office on a wave of populism whose party has firm control of both houses of Congress should be sailing on smooth waters. With two years to go before the next Congressional election, they have plenty of time to get their ducks in a row to pursue the agenda for which they believe they’ve been given a mandate. But what has this administration done?

It rushed to issue an attempt to obstruct immigration by specific religious groups thinly disguised as a security-related travel ban, when a more thoughtful and deliberate approach could have passed muster easily. They set about dismantling regulations and defunding NOAA, both of which we desperately need to protect our deteriorating environment, removed a federal objection to an obviously discriminatory voter registration law, and intervened in a civil rights discrimination case already decided by the courts. And the President himself, while being advised by his own party to get his personal behavior under control, continues to makes outrageous accusations against everything and everyone he dislikes, with not a shred of evidence to support them. He’s a master at changing the conversation when he doesn’t like the subject, but where will that get him if nothing is accomplished? Worst of all, he hasn’t shown me that he possesses the moral center essential to being an effective leader.

His own party seems more terrified of him than the opposition. I never imagined I could feel sympathy for Senator Mitch McConnell after he announced, shortly after President Obama took office, that his goal was assuring that Obama failed as president. Or for Paul Ryan, who despite his vaunted integrity, could never bring himself to tell the truth about Trump’s outlandish and immoral behavior. But such is the disarray that Trump has created in his own party, I wouldn’t be in either of their shoes at any price.

There is no reason to believe the Republican led Congress will fund any of the major initiatives Trump promised during the campaign. Not the $3 trillion plan to create jobs rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure or fulfilling Trump’s promise of affordable health care for every American, and surely not his Mexican border wall. They’re all pipe dreams doomed to fail. And jobs? Let’s see what happens when he tries to get Congress to impose penalties or tariffs on companies that have already shipped millions of jobs overseas, when their billionaire corporate patrons tell them to vote “Nay”. What will his supporters do then?

More importantly, what will all of us Americans do at the ballot box in 2018? How long will we wait before we accept that our national train is going off the rails? Will we simply bemoan our options as we did in 2016, or will we recognize that some paths are far worse than others?

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Music Therapy

stetson

Alan Zendell, March 3, 2017

Last evening, I attended a concert by the marvelous Stetson University student orchestra. I was greeted by this plaque at the entrance to the concert hall. Lovely, isn’t it?

I said it was a concert, but it was really much more. Musicology professor Daniil Zavlunov spent the better part of an hour dissecting Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony, with the orchestra playing snippets to illustrate the professor’s points. Then, with the audience properly primed, the orchestra launched into the complete work with spellbinding effect. As many times as I’ve heard that pivotal symphony, I had never heard or appreciated it the way I did last night.

As Professor Zavlunov frequently noted, no one really knows what drove the great composers to write what they did. Nonetheless, he offered a very plausible defense of the idea that the Fifth Symphony’s power and greatness was Beethoven’s celebration of coming to terms with the personal tragedy of going totally deaf before and while he was composing it. To greatly oversimplify a very complex subject, the home key of the symphony, C minor, represents the depth of his depression and desolation as he realized he was losing his hearing forever. The alternation throughout, between C minor and C major, are, in effect, mood swings, as he fought to overcome his loss, and the symphony’s triumphant finale in the major key is a powerful expression of Beethoven’s personal victory over his affliction.

Thus, the professor took the audience on a journey of discovery. I’m certain that everyone related to it in his or her own personal terms. My internal journey, seated within thirty feet of the violins and french horns, very much mirrored my mood swings over the last four months.

Much of what the professor explained reminded me of another pivotal symphony, Schubert’s Unfinished #8. Again, no one knows for sure either why he composed it as he did or why he never finished it. But we know that he was writing it as he was coming to terms with the syphilis that ultimately ended his life, and was likely in considerable pain and discomfort. He also chose a minor key (B minor) to express his anguish, with violent alternations between minors and majors, much as Beethoven did in his Fifth.

The professor noted that if Beethoven’s symphony had been missing its final movement it would have felt terribly incomplete. That remains true for Schubert’s, which is missing its final two movements. Even so, I have always found listening to it uplifting.

Today is my birthday, an event I usually try to ignore, but this year I decided it was better to offer everyone else a gift. If you too have spent the last four months in a funk, I don’t have to tell you that it’s time to shift gears. We can’t afford to sleep through the first year of the Trump administration.

My gift to you is the magic of music therapy − you don’t need drugs for this. Get yourself a good pair of headphones, turn off your smart phone, and find a comfortable chair. Let yourself feel whatever has been keeping you down and turn on the music. Start with the Schubert and move right into the Beethoven. Let the music lift your spirits. You’ll be amazed at how good you feel as the triumphant final movement comes to a close.

If that doesn’t work, maybe you do need drugs.

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Giving Back

Alan Zendell, March 2, 2017

I often think of the 2000 film, Paying it Forward.  In retirement I tutor kids, mostly teenagers, in math and science, though our conversations tend to stray into many other areas. I find them surprisingly open and eager to discuss values, families, politics…you name it, and the issue of paying forward often comes up in two very different ways.

The majority of the kids are the children of immigrants. Their families come from India, Pakistan, China, Korea, Tibet, Vietnam, the Caribbean, Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia, Ghana, and probably a few places I missed. They’re Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, even Jews. Remarkably, their families all have two things in common. The kids are taught to obey rules and respect adults, and their parents sacrifice everything to assure their futures. Since I’m old enough to be their grandfather, I hear all the complaints. Why are they so hard on us? Why can’t we have fun? I’m always surprised that I have to explain, but I tell them it’s all about paying their generation forward for what their parents and grandparents did for them.

The other way it comes up is when we talk about materialism, though we never use that word. Smart and talented as most of them are, these kids can be extremely naïve about the world. They assume that we (their tutors) are all well paid, and why shouldn’t they? After all, they look up to us, and they value what we give them, so of course we must get fat paychecks for it. Some of my work is modestly compensated but much of it is voluntary. In either case, the kids are initially amazed. Why would we do this and receive so little (or nothing) in return (a question I hear from some retired friends as well)?

I explain that there are many currencies in which we can be paid, and that after a life in which we’ve had many opportunities to succeed, some of us feel compelled to give something back. The idea that their success is our reward doesn’t always sink in right away, but when I explain it in terms of things they can relate to – evolution, recycling knowledge, preparing the next generation to carry the torch – they get it.

Thus I am always aware of a responsibility to behave properly and morally when I’m with them. I don’t mince words over political correctness, but I always tell them the truth. I’m part of a vast network that includes their parents, grandparents, and school teachers that are helping them through the critical formative years of pre-adulthood.

I see their confusion when our leaders do things that seem to conflict with the values we teach them, and it fills me with pain that often boils over into rage when I have to confess that I understand and share their confusion. As teens, the only president most of them have been aware of was Obama. Agree with him or not, and politics aside, his image as a parent and leader coincided perfectly with everything they were taught a leader should be. They admire him almost without exception.

The entry of Donald Trump on the political scene nearly two years ago, shocked their sensibilities. For months I heard questions like, “How could he possibly….”? That sentence had a hundred different endings, and when I heard it from a fourteen-year-old boy or a sixteen-year-old girl, I didn’t hear politics. I heard the kind of anxiety that arises when a young person fears that everything he or she has been taught might be unraveling. When a sweet young girl breaks down in tears because her mother tells her she can’t tell people she is Muslim any more, something must be terribly wrong. Many kids told me that their whole worlds were turned upside down, that this wasn’t the country they’d been told their parents and grandparents said would offer them a better life.

The thing is, it’s not just the kids I tutor that I fear for. My own grandsons are growing up in this world, too. I’m thankful that they’re not yet old enough to understand what comes out of Trump’s mouth. I honestly have no idea what he really believes, but I am certain that without moral leadership he will do far more harm than good as president.

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Is it Fair to Compare Trump’s Rise to Power with Hitler’s?

Alan Zendell, February 23, 2017

Google “Hitler and Trump”, and you’ll be shocked at the number of websites that come up.  They by no means agree with each other, but it’s significant that so many diverse people thought to make the comparison. Even Harry Potter chimed in, as a Twitter war erupted between his creator, J. K. Rowling and the British interviewer, Piers Morgan (https://pjmedia.com/lifestyle/2017/02/11/j-k-rowling-mocks-piers-morgan-for-refusing-to-compare-donald-trump-to-adolf-hitler/).

I did my own comparison shortly after Trump announced his candidacy for President. It seemed to me that he was running his campaign directly out of Hitler’s playbook, otherwise known as Mein Kampf. I imagined I had originated that notion, but Hitler biographer Ron Rosenbaum used it prominently in the weeks after Trump’s inauguration (http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/adolf-hitler-donald-trump-mein-kampf-bluffed-way-to-power-nazi-leader-germany-fuhrer-us-president-a7568506.html).

That is not to suggest that Trump will govern like Hitler or that he aspires to the kind of atrocities Hitler’s Reich committed. That his tactics were similar is undeniable. We all saw the election campaign, and most of us on all sides were revolted by it. But employing similar tactics doesn’t imply having identical goals and ideologies. Only time will tell.

Scapegoating: Hitler demonized Jews throughout his career, labeling them pure evil. That view wasn’t original to him; it grew out of the neo-Darwinist ideas of two generations of antisemitic writers and philosophers who preceded him. He played on the frustration and fear of a population dealing with the aftermath of World War I, in which the rest of Europe brutally punished Germany. Hitler used Jews as the scapegoats for his ultra-nationalistic rants, accusing them of stabbing Germany in the back and causing their defeat, and his hyperbolic appeals to the unemployed and impoverished survivors brought him to power.

Trump began by demonizing whole nations and religious groups; unless you live in an alternate reality that’s a fact. I don’t believe Trump hates Muslims and Mexicans the way Hitler hated Jews, but the strongest weapon in his campaign was his appeal to fear and bigotry, with precisely the same kind of hyperbole that Hitler used so effectively.

The News Media: Hitler understood that to rise from an insignificant member of a fringe political party to national prominence he had to discredit the press. He did it within the law, using wealthy contributors to force opposition newspapers and radio stations into bankruptcy, until the Nazi Party controlled all the major news outlets.

Trump’s people coined the terms “alternate facts” and “fake news” to capitalize on the general disdain most Americans, myself included, felt for the media. Looking back on 2016, it’s almost surreal to imagine that a candidate could successfully label every opinion he didn’t like a lie, and convince a large portion of the electorate that every media outlet but one was part of a vast anti-Trump conspiracy. Is the United States entering a period of buyer’s remorse?  The latest Quinnipiac Poll reported that Americans now believe the press more than they believe Trump by 52% to 37%. Only three out of every eight Americans believe he’s truthful after one month in office.

Consolidating Power: In 1923, Hitler was convicted of treason and spent nine months in prison for provoking a failed coup in Bavaria. After that, however, his rise to power was entirely lawful. Political bullying and threats by the growing Nazi Party, an extension of Hitler’s decade long politics of hate and fear, forced German President von Hindenburg to appoint him Chancellor (Prime Minister). Trump’s rise to power was also accomplished within the bounds of our legal structure, in a populist wave of masterfully orchestrated rage against the establishment.

My question is, what can we reasonably infer from the disturbing similarity of Trump’s tactics to those employed by Hitler? Trump’s chief strategist, Steve Bannon, made no secret during his years of extremist writings, that a strong executive powerful enough to neutralize all opposition would be best for the country. Does Trump believe that too?

Americans need to pay close attention to everything this administration does. No more burying your head in the sand because you’re so horrified about the outcome of the election. Passivity is the surest course to disaster.

There is no evidence that we’re headed toward autocracy, but there’s an essential lesson in Hitler’s actions as Chancellor. In 1933, political violence instigated by the Nazis escalated almost to the level of civil war. In an effort to maintain order, the Reichstag (parliament) passed the Enabling Act, which granted the Chancellor (Hitler) emergency powers to act without consulting the rest of the government. Those emergency powers were never rescinded, and most historians cite the passage of the Enabling Act as the pivotal event in Hitler’s rise to absolute power.

Could that happen here? My concern is that if any sort of terrorist attack were to occur on American soil, the Bannon/Trump administration would immediately react by asking Congress to grant Trump emergency powers for “the duration of the crisis”. That must never be allowed to happen. That is when millions of Americans must raise their voices in protest.

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